Skip to main content
I have just finished reading The Mosaic of Islam (the ebook version)

I have some comments and a couple of corrections.


P. 38: "most Muslims do not understand Islam correctly." I find this shocking. It assumes that there is a correct Islam. There is a historical Islam not a correct or a wrong one. As Ahmad Shahab put it beautifully there are contradictions and coherence of what Islam is in most Muslims. It has been the case in most of Islam's history. And the spectrum is so wide from Mauritania to Indonesia..

P. 58: There is no socio-political explanation of the reason(s)/background behind the emergence of Muhammaed and Islam. There is no mention at all of the state and the character of the new society as if the changes in the juriprudence just sprung from a Caliph's brain with no connection to the material life.


P. 66: "Part of the reasons where there is so much chaos ..." How does the beginning of the chaos in Libya (an uprising and NATO intervnetion), Syria (a non-religious uprising and the brutal repression of the regime), Iraq (invasion, occupation and the destruction of the social fabric of the Iraqi spciety), and Yemen (poverty and marginalisation and Saudi intervention with imperialist support) relate to understanding Shari'a or not understanding it? 

Furthermore, there is no mention of historical factors which led to this: colonialism, failure of the renaissance, the encroachment of capitalist modernity, fragmentation of the umma, etc.

P. 144: Regarding the "violence of M. Ibn Abdu -al-Wahhab. "Ibn Abd al-Wahhab had preached a return to the pristine Islam of the Prophet and repudiated such later developments as the Shiah, Sufism, Falsafah, and the jurisprudence (fiqh) on which all other Muslim ulema depended. He was particularly distressed by the popular veneration of holy men and their tombs, which he condemned as idolatry. Even so, Wahhabism was not inherently violent; indeed, Ibn Abd al-Wahhab had refused to sanction the wars of his patron, Ibn Saud of Najd, because he [Ibn Saud] was fighting simply for wealth and glory. It was only after his retirement that Wahhabis became more aggressive ..." Karen Armstrong, Fields of Blood, Vintage ed., 2014, p. 337


P. 161: an issue of precision should be established. Muhammad, the first name of Ibn Abdu al-Wahhab should be added to the name. His brother Sulayman actually disagreed with him on the fundamental issue of calling other Muslims heretics and Jihad must be launched against them. 


P. 180: The argument of producing a counter to "Islamic terrorism" 
through producing a counter to its theology I think is very one-sided. It excludes or relegates to the background, the social, economic and political circumstances of such terrorism. It also excludes the structural violence (state terrorism, and the violence of poverty, dislocation, humiliation, unemployment, resentment, etc). 

The Crusaders had influenced Ibn Taymiyya's outlook. The presence of the US military in Saudi Arabia and the Palestinian suffering influenced Bin Laden. Why can't we say the same about the sanctions and the occupation of Iraq and the role that played in boosting "militant Islam"? Who are the thinkers behind the movement? What was the role played by the Arab regimes and their Western imperialist ones in supporting sime Islamist organisation to counter-weight the nationalist and leftist movements? What was the social background of Bin Laden and al-Baghdadi, for example? Where do the recruiters of "militant Islam" come from? Is the high rate of unemployed graduates and social marginalization a push factor towards joining "militant Islam"... See Assef Bayat's Life As Politics, for example. Compare this with Karen Armstrong's analysis and Jonathan Brown's Misquoting Muhammad.


P. 212: Inaccuracy: murabitun comes from the verb raabata and and thus the noun ribaat (the latter means rampart/the wall of the medina). Muraabit is one who is ready for a battle at a fortress or a rampart. 


P 232: remove "not" in "they even had not".


There is no mention at all whether ISIS was part (and partly a product) of the counter-revolution and the failure of the uprisings of 2011. Other forces include the regional regime and imperialist powers. As one reviewer put it, Mourad "is quite dismissive of the Arab Spring and does not really reference the catastrophic role of wider inter-imperialist competition." (Dave Weltman)


I recommend the book. I have learnt a few things from it. 

Comments

Popular posts from this blog

The Qarmatians (Al-Qaramita)

By Nadeem Mahjoub Documentary film-makers G. Troeller and M. C. Defarge once asked a cabinet minister in South Yemen, why socialistic ideas were so readily acceptable in that part of the Arab world. He replied: “Because we have been communists for a thousand years! My mother was Qarmatian.” Official Muslim scholars and clerics, and many so-called moderates (whether individuals or groups) oppose sedition ( fitna ). Tensions and contradictions in society should be solved peacefully and even if the ruler was unjust and impious, it is generally accepted he should still be obeyed, for any kind of order is better than anarchy and sedition. “The tyranny of a sultan for a hundred years causes less damage than one year’s tyranny exercised by the subjects against one another.” Revolt was justified only against a ruler who clearly went against the command of God and His prophet.” 1 Here we look at not what happened in the minds of people who call for calm, oppose dissent and preach the re...

Capitalism

Some of this reminds me of how five or six years ago in a class of seven students in a UK elite university three of them (two Germans and one British) were in favour of a "benevolent dictator" (in the Arab context). The bloody horrors of Pinochet showed how capitalism will react when it's threatened
"If you don't attack the economic power of the elite, soon or later it will attack you." That's what the Arab uprisings, for instance, were unable/failed to do. K for Karl – Revolution (episode 3)
"A second position argues against transition, which is transitology itself. It is well known—especially among economists—as the sudden mobilization of a considerable mass of experts who are generally foreigners,generally Western, who come to preach the good word and to propose ready-made models of democracy. The science of the transition has become a financial windfall, a market. And the word transition has of course become a reflex of language, a term of reference, a call for tenders ( appel d’offres ) to which the whole society was supposed to respond.  Consequently, the reticence that one can express is the following: our history is framed, transition is a heteronomy. Every democratic revolution is henceforth supposed to take a unique, imposed path, which is, at the same time, indistinctly democratic and liberal (or neoliberal). A more or less non-“negotiable” package.  It is necessary to highlight the imposed character (and imposed from the outside) of this coming to t...
"In the same way that Robinson [Crusoe] was able to ob­tain a sword, we can just as well suppose that [Man] Friday might appear one fine morning with a loaded revolver in his hand, and from then on the whole relationship of violence is reversed: Man Friday gives the orders and Crusoe is obliged  to work. . . . Thus, the revolver triumphs over the sword, and even the most childish believer in axioms will doubtless form the conclusion that violence is not a simple act of will, but needs for its realization certain very concrete preliminary con­ditions, and in particular the implements of violence; and the more highly developed of these implements will carry the day against primitive ones. Moreover, the very fact of the ability to produce such weapons signifies that the producer of highly developed weapons, in everyday speech the arms  manufac­turer, triumphs over the producer of primitive weapons. To put it briefly, the triumph of violence depends upon the pro­duction of a...
Varoufakis "speaks of how great it was to have the support of Larry Summers, Norman Lamont, and other figures on the Right, but it was support for whom, for what, and in whose class interests? Class analysis is far from the foreground of the picture sketched out here. Closed rooms and class war

US

 Written in June: The candidate who emerged from this jumble of discontent was the man who promised to do the least. His party is now preparing to give us a national election that will be little more than a referendum on the hated Donald Trump. Finally we have a climate in which the American public would unquestionably choose dramatic change were it offered to them, and the party of change has contrived to ensure that it will not be offered. Instead our choice is between two elderly and conservative white men, both with a history of stretching the truth, both with sexual harassment accusations hanging over them, and neither representing any possibility of energetic democratic reform. The old order has been miraculously rescued once again. Such is the climate of opinion in America that, with the right leader, remarkable things would be possible. Instead we are presented with Joe Biden, an affable DC veteran with a hand in many of the defining disasters of the last 30 years: worker-c...