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Showing posts from March 11, 2018
With a few rare exceptions, "most governments [of the developing countries] have not been willing to act counter to neoliberal policy. The links between the leaders of these countries and the hub of decision making in most industrial countries are multifarious. Some of the ruling presidents, in particular in Africa, were brought to power during the Cold War, or owe their positions to it. Some are in power because they helped the elimination of or allowed the overthrow of heads of states who, like Thomas Sankara, the President of Burkina Faso and assassinated in 1987, wanted to commit their country to alternative, locally generalised development and social justice. Others simply prefer to follow the neoliberal current for fear of being destabilized or overthrown. But there is another factor of conservatism that works in favour of large debt and should not be underestimated. Most governments, both left and right wing, try to gain the goodwill of the local capitalists who have eve
Michael Roberts replies to the Financial Times' "Activist Manifesto" Recent empirical work on the US class division of incomes has been done by Professor Simon Mohun .  Mohun analysed US income tax returns and divided taxpayers into those who could live totally off income from capital (rent, interest and dividends) – the true capitalists, and those who had to work to make a living (wages).  He compared the picture in 1918 with now and found that only 3.8% of taxpayers could be considered capitalists, while 88% were workers in the Marxist definition.  In 2011, only 2% were capitalists and near 84% were workers.  The ‘managerial’ class, ie workers who also had some income from capital (a middle class ?) had grown a little from 8% to 14%, but still not decisive.  Capitalist incomes were 11 times higher on average than workers in 1918, but now they were 22 times larger.  The old slogan of the 1% and the 99% is almost accurate." From communism to activism?
On conscience "The one thing that doesn't abide by majority rule is a person's conscience." — Harper Lee, author of Killing a Mocking Bird Yet Lee met George W. Bush, a war criminal , and received a medal from him in 2007. Also he was a president who maintained the biggest incarceration system with most of the incarcerated are blacks as well as Guantanamo Bay, defending torture and waterboardng, etc. 
Replaçant le problème de l’endettement public dans l’histoire longue du capitalisme, l’auteur montre  les pays impérialistes utilisent la dette  publique comme arme de domination des pays pauvres depuis le début du XIXe  siècle, avec la complicité de leurs bourgeoisies respectives. Arguments juridiques et historiques à l’appui, il donne aussi des pistes pour se débarrasser de ce carcan. "La dette, une arme de domination politique depuis deux siècles"
The Night الليل by Mohammad Malas A Syrian drama with French and German subtitles The film events take place between 1936 and 1948
England: UCU strike " It is so stupid , but it happens so often that we know it be a type of structural stupidity." No capitulation
"Since 1988 each debt relief scheme for the poorest countries results in another, always too late and always ill-adapted. It must not be forgotten that debt is much mroe than finnancial mechanism: it is a powerful instrument of dimination that for decades has allowed the leaders and big business of rich countries, with the complicity of the South's ruling class, to impose an economic model that serves their interests." Toussaint and Millet, Debt, the IMF, and the World Bank , 2010
Micro-credit "In a context of a system as violent and iniquitous as neoliberal globalization, micro-credit certainly play an attenuating role, but it is not an alternative. It applies bandages haphazardly on some cuts while an actual economic war rages one. Though its real impact is difficult to evaluate, the notion of micro-credit is recuperated by the finance establishment. By definition, micro-credit uses the same mechanisms as the logic of indebtedness and organizes and transfers wealth from the populations of the South to the creditors. Far from modifying social relations, it articulates with the capitalist system, in which it integrates perfectly." — Toussaint and Millet, Debt, the IMF, and the World Bank , 2010, p. 206
Symbolic Violence and the Naturalisation of Power Relations   A student's take of Bourdieu's ideas on the subject.
Illuminating ... in understanding the social forces in Today's Iran This was written in 2010, after "The Green Movement" protest of 2009 "The Iranian Revolution is not a closed history. The objective puzzle around which the terms of the social antagonism are organized resides in the way the material conditions of life are organized, the way value is produced and circulates in a distributive system." Rentier capitalism and the Iranian puzzle
England Sell, sell, sell.. Never take anything for granted. Anything could be sold . Anything could be privatised. Ordinary people have been paying for the cuts in public services, from hospitals to libraries. Those who triggered the crisis and imposed austerity have been getting richer. But I am still opitmistic that some of the £100 billion deals with our autocratic friends, the Saudis, will trickle down to the NHS, for example :) It is a kitchen of thieves, but they called a "democracy".
Sociologists Pierre Bourdieu and Loic Wacquant launched a  2001 protest against what they called “a strange Newspeak,”  or “NewLiberalSpeak” that included words like “globalization,” “governance,” “employability,” “underclass,” “communitarianism,” “multiculturalism” and “their so-called postmodern cousins.” Bourdieu and Wacquant argued that this discourse obscures “the terms ‘capitalism,’ ‘class,’ ‘exploitation,’ ‘domination,’ and ‘inequality,’” as part of a “neoliberal revolution,” that intends to “remake the world by sweeping away the social and economic conquests of a century of social struggles. This is a society characterized by the deliberate dismantling of the social state and the correlative hypertrophy of the penal state, the crushing of trade unions and the dictatorship of the ʻshareholder-valueʼ conception of the firm, and their sociological effects: the generalization of precarious wage labour and social insecurity, turned into the privileged engine of economic activity.
Syria? ...It is so much, so many  
tombs, so much martyrdom, so much  
galloping of beasts in the stars!  
Nothing, not even victory  
will erase the terrible hollow of the blood:  nothing, neither the sea nor the passage  
of sand and time, nor the geranium flaming  
upon the grave. — Pablo Neruda, 1937