NM's blog

The right today … is just as inconsequential as the left, and for exactly the same reason, that it’s hyper but not formally organised. “The people who go on marches subscribe to the same podcast, might follow the same pages on Instagram, might be on the same Telegram channels, but they don’t have an organisational history they shared before they entered the march. This is different even to the BNP, where marchers had a shared history in football hooliganism, and the National Front. That shared subculture is no longer there. He says this is clear with Reform UK, “which is so heavily leader-dependent. The entire movement is at risk with this scandal of the crypto-billionaire, because there’s no party infrastructure. There is just Nigel and a smartphone and then a couple of private donors.” To me, this fails to take into account that the right is different to the left: they have more money. “Maybe I understated the availability of private funding,” he says mildly. “The fact that we can ev...

“The origins of nationalism lay not in the folk, nor in the individual's repressed passion for some sort of wholeness or identity, but in the machinery of world political economy.” Where do we find an elaboration on that? You can find an exact, word-for-word elaboration of that quote in  Tom Nairn’s classic 1975 essay,  “ The Modern Janus” , published in the  New Left Review .  [1, 2, 3, 4]  Nairn later integrated and expanded this thesis into his foundational 1977 book,  The Break-up of Britain: Crisis and Neo-Nationalism .  [5, 6, 7]  Nairn's text provides a specific structural framework that elaborates on how the global economy—rather than romantic ideas of "the folk"—manufactured modern nationalism: 1. The Core Argument: The Uneven Development of Capitalism Nairn rejects the romantic view that nationalism naturally bubbles up from ethnic roots or a psychological need for belonging. Instead, he argues that nationalism was a structural byproduct...

An exchange A study on why Tunisians were the biggest number to go to Syria and join ISIS. Multiple comprehensive studies, including those by the  National Bureau of Economic Research (NBER) ,  The Washington Institute , and  International Alert , reveal that between  6,000 and 7,000 Tunisians  traveled to join ISIS due to a unique intersection of  post-revolution state absence, severe youth marginalisation, structural economic failure, and easy regional logistics .  [1, 2, 3]  While Tunisia was celebrated as the sole democratic success story of the 2011 Arab Spring, this rapid political transition paradoxically created the perfect breeding ground for radical recruitment.  [3, 4]  1. Political Transition and "Security Vacuum" Amnesty for Radicals : Following the 2011 revolution, the transitional government issued a general amnesty, releasing hundreds of hardline Islamist political prisoners and violent jihadists who quickly formed recrui...