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Centralisation of Power and Minority Politics in Post-Assad Syria

“ Sectarianism as a political tool fundamentally serves to consolidate power and divide society . It can function to divert attention from socio-economic and political issues by scapegoating a particular group — defined through sectarian or ethnic identity — as the source of the country’s problems and as a security threat, thereby legitimizing discriminatory or repressive policies against it. Moreover, sectarianism acts as a mechanism of social control by shaping class relations and reinforcing forms of dependence between popular classes and elite leaderships. As a result, popular classes may lose forms of independent political agency and instead become politically mobilized primarily through sectarian identities. “In this context, the new authorities appear in several respects to reproduce patterns associated with the former Assad regime, notably through the continued use of sectarian policies and practices as instruments of governance, control, and social division.”

Anderson's Masterpiece: Flaws, Inaccuracies and Conceptual Gaps

There is no single, unified 'errata catalogue' or official master list of literal errors for Imagined Communities . Instead, the book’s flaws, factual inaccuracies, and conceptual gaps are scattered across a vast body of academic peer reviews, essays, and counter-theories.  [1, 2]  Because Benedict Anderson was a political scientist and Southeast Asian specialist rather than a historian of antiquity or Europe, his book suffers from a distinct pattern:  his literal data gets sloppier the further he steps outside his geographical area of expertise .  [3]  The standard academic criticisms and noted flaws of  Imagined Communities  generally fall into three distinct categories: 1. Empirical and Factual Mistakes (Outside Southeast Asia) Like the highly inaccurate Matthew genealogy quote, Anderson made multiple broad historical generalizations that experts in those fields have flagged as incorrect:  [3]  The European Gutenberg Bias:  Anderson h...

Ijtihad, Homosexuality in the Ottoman Society, the West and Under Arab Nationalist Regimes

Which of the four jurisprudence schools in Islam is more lax about women's dress? The  Hanafi school  is widely considered the most lenient or flexible ( lax ) regarding a woman’s mandatory dress code ( awrah ).  [1, 2]  While all four Sunni schools mandate modesty, loose clothing, and covering the hair, they differ significantly on exactly how much of a woman's body must be concealed in public or during prayer.  [3, 4, 5, 6]  The primary differences demonstrate why the Hanafi school provides the most flexibility: 1. Inclusion of the Feet The Hanafi View:  Uniquely, the standard position in the  Hanafi school  rules that a woman’s  feet are not part of her  awrah . This applies both in public and during prayer ( salah ). Therefore, wearing sandals or exposing the feet is permitted.  [2, 7, 8, 9]  The Other Three Schools:  The Maliki, Shafi'i, and Hanbali schools all rule that  the feet must be fully covered , esp...