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The Agony of the Arab uprisings

The recent events in Algeria and Sudan are more or less similar to what happened in Tunisia, Egypt and Yemen. 
How do we account for the dynamics of transition... that lie somewhere in between, where powerful revolutionary mobilisation forced dictators to abdicate [or removed] but fail[ed] to capture the governmental [state] power, thus leaving the interests and institutions of the old order largely unaltered? How should we read the logic of transition in such political upheavals that were both revolutionary and nonrevolutionary, reflecting both transition to democracy and revolutionary desires for economic distribution, social inclusion and cultural recognition?
—Asef Bayat, Revolution without Revolutionaries: Making Sense of the Arab Spring, 2017, p. 209
I do not believe, as so many disillusioned or broken by actual revolution have come to believe, that the suffering can be laid to the charge of the revolution alone, and that we must avoid revolution if we are to avoid suffering. On the contrary, I see revolution as the inevitable working through of a deep and tragic disorder, to which we can respond in varying ways... We need not identify revolution with violence or with a sudden capture of state power. Even where such events occur, the essential transformation is indeed a long revolution.
—See Raymond Williams, Modern Tragedy 

 Williams argues that 'the absolute test by which revolution can be distinguished, is the change in the form of activity of a society, in its deepest structure of relationships and feelings.' The mere 'incorporation'of new men into existing structures, even if accompanied by some improvements in ‘material conditions’ does not count as a revolution, rather ‘A society in which a revolution is necessary is a society in which the incorporation of all its people, as whole human beings, is in practice impossible without a change in its fundamental forms of relationships’. He concludes, ‘Revolution remains necessary, in these circumstance, not only because some men desire it, but because there can be no acceptable human order while the full humanity of any class of men is in practice denied.'
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